By Mairead O’Hara, Second Place winner of the 2024 Human Rights Essay Contest – Undergraduate Division
The People’s Republic of China (PRC) under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) represents the most comprehensive strategic competitor to the United States in the 21st century. Beyond military and economic rivalry, the challenge posed by China is ideological: the CCP is actively working to undermine democratic norms and expand its model of authoritarian governance both globally and domestically within democracies. To safeguard American democracy against Chinese threats, we must pursue a multifaceted, forward-leaning strategy that strengthens domestic democratic resilience, curtails foreign malign influence, and maintains a clear, principled stance—alongside other strong democracies—on human rights, governance, and rule of law.
The CCP does not need to invade American territory to threaten our democracy. Its strategy is more insidious: weakening the credibility of democratic systems through disinformation, coercion of diaspora communities, strategic investments in critical infrastructure, and exploiting the openness of liberal societies. The Chinese government has invested in cyber capabilities and influence operations that aim to reshape narratives, polarize political discourse, and erode public trust in democratic governance. Among the most pressing consequent risks are technological authoritarianism—China’s export of surveillance technology and artificial intelligence, along with its push to shape internet governance—and economic coercion and strategic dependency, in which China leverages economic relationships, access to markets, and control over critical supply chains to compel political compliance from governments and corporations.
Our strategy must protect the democratic integrity of the U.S. while reinforcing global democratic norms. The first pillar of such a comprehensive approach should be to strengthen democratic resilience at home; the U.S. must invest in its own institutions, public trust, and informational integrity. We must prioritize civic education and media literacy by promoting programs to educate Americans, especially youth, about democratic governance, misinformation detection, and foreign influence tactics. Election security also stands as one of the most pivotal and highly targeted aspects of our democracy, and thus we should expand federal support to state and local governments to assist in safeguarding voting systems, particularly from CCP cyberattacks. With regards to protecting and promoting democratic practices in political campaigning and media distribution, I advise the implementation of technology platform regulations which establish increasing transparency rules in online political advertising and algorithmic accountability, particularly related to foreign disinformation.
In addition to preventative measures, the U.S. must work to constrain existing CCP influence operations. The Chinese state has become a world leader in using digital technologies for surveillance, censorship, and manipulation. Within the United States, Beijing has engaged in influence campaigns across platforms like TikTok, WeChat, and even U.S.-based media outlets aimed at shaping public perception and sowing confusion about democratic values. In this context, protecting our digital ecosystem is not a matter of commercial regulation—it is a core defense of democracy.
This starts with countering disinformation campaigns, which would require the expansion of the State Department’s Global Engagement Center (GEC). Additionally, to ensure that individuals acting on behalf of the CCP are properly tracked, we must modernize and enforce the Foreign Agents Registration Act, requiring more strict registration with the Department of Justice and disclosure of activities, relationships, and financial dealings. This would promote transparency about foreign influence on U.S. policy and public opinion.
As Secretary of State, I would also advise a push towards stronger technological sovereignty and infrastructure, given that technological entanglement with China in critical sectors creates vulnerabilities that can be exploited for espionage or coercion. We must secure supply chains by accelerating diversification away from Chinese supply chains in semiconductors, rare earths, pharmaceuticals, and telecommunications. Beyond these industries, the development and distribution of more secure, transparent alternatives to Chinese telecom providers like Huawei and ZTE is pivotal for protecting American 5G wireless technology and data. Enacting federal data privacy regulations that limit exposure of Americans’ personal information to foreign entities would further promote cybersecurity across public and private sectors. Expansion of the budget, personnel, and resources of the U.S. Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) would most adequately address such issues, given the agency’s role in protecting critical infrastructure, initiating collaboration between the public and private sectors, and mitigating and responding to national cybersecurity risks and incidents.
As American industries increasingly embrace digital transformations, such as the integration of artificial intelligence, threats from CCP-sponsored cyber criminals and hackers escalate, even among those with a strong history of resilience. The issue is projected to continue in an upward trajectory over the next two decades, demonstrating a need for updates and investments in CISA technologies and operations to combat evolving Chinese threats.
On top of data and cybersecurity concerns associated with CCP-targeted critical infrastructure, the importance of securing the economic foundations of American democracy cannot be overstated, as the authoritarian regime will continue to exploit economic dependencies to coerce the U.S. China’s integration into global supply chains—especially in semiconductors, rare earths, and green technology—has created leverage that Beijing can wield for political gain. U.S. policy must ensure that economic interdependence does not become a vector for democratic compromise. I recommend a national initiative for economic democracy, focused primarily on reshoring key supply chains in strategic sectors to reduce vulnerability to political blackmail. Bringing manufacturing and production back to the U.S. from China will demonstrate not only economic strength, but democratic unity and sovereignty.
However, this is not a call for complete economic decoupling, but for smart, selective disengagement where national security and democratic integrity are at stake. Protecting our economy from coercion is inseparable from protecting the independence of democratic decision-making.
With this in mind, in order to push back against authoritarian expansion, the U.S. must lead a global coalition of democracies united by shared values and strategic interests. This community of democracies should work to reinforce and modernize democratic multilateralism to include technology norms, electoral integrity, and governance benchmarks. One such measure could include deepening U.S. engagement with the Quad diplomatic partnership between the U.S., Japan, Australia, India, as a democratic counterbalance to China’s regional ambitions. Joint infrastructure, military exercises, and cyber defense would strengthen both domestic and Indo-Pacific resilience against CCP authoritarianism.
While standing firm, we must avoid a self-fulfilling prophecy of inevitable conflict. Effective diplomacy can channel competition and preserve peace. This involves strategic dialogue mechanisms, such as re-establishing high-level U.S.-China communications—to reduce the risk of military miscalculation—and maintaining crisis communication channels. Identifying selective areas for cooperation—climate, pandemic preparedness, and nuclear nonproliferation—where both sides have mutual interest is key to preventing political coercion or escalation amidst such dialogue.
However, in spite of the above mentioned strategies to bolster U.S. resilience against foreign threats, no one country can protect democracy alone. While we must remain optimistic about avoiding real conflict with China, coordinating with our allies and establishing multilateral action plans will safeguard U.S. interests and national security if escalation becomes a possibility. We must work closely with other democracies to build a coherent, values-based foreign policy. Our China strategy must therefore emphasize common standards for foreign tech—such as banning CCP-controlled surveillance firms like Hikvision and Huawei from critical networks—joint diplomatic efforts to condemn Chinese interference in democratic institutions globally, and co-development of democratic technologies, such as open AI models, privacy-preserving digital identity systems, and secure infrastructure. The United States should reinvigorate NATO’s political mission, deepen cooperation with the Quad and AUKUS partnerships, and push the G7 intergovernmental political and economic forum (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United Kingdom) to take a more proactive stance on defending democracy in the digital age. China has a global strategy; the free world must have one too. The best way to carry out such a strategy is to do so as a unified democratic front.
In conclusion, it is clear that China poses a unique and comprehensive challenge to American democracy. The CCP’s model is authoritarian, opaque, and coercive. Ours must be democratic, transparent, and values-based. Defending democracy in the United States requires both inward reforms and outward-facing strategic clarity. We must not merely contain China—we must outcompete and outlast it by investing in the strengths that make America and its allies exceptional: openness, innovation, accountability, and the rule of law. This is a generational struggle not just of geopolitics, but of governance and ideas.
The more secure and functional our democracy becomes, the less susceptible it is to foreign pressure, and the more persuasive we are as a global leader. The best defense against authoritarian expansion is a successful, inclusive, resilient democratic society. Let our policy toward China reflect not fear, but confidence in the enduring strength of democratic ideals.